Author: trshmnstr the terrible

  • Quick Hit: The Ethics of Taking a Leak… Er, I Mean Leaking Classified Info

    Tuesday, June 18, 2013 View more Opinion Cartoons here: http://www ...
    I imagine STEVE SMITH looking something like this when shaved

    Traitor. Hero. Scoundrel. Saint. Whistleblower. Disgruntled. Those who leak classified information are labeled and categorized before the impact of their revelations are even known. In essence, there are three views of a leaker (none of which are satisfying). The first view is that leaking is traitorous and wrong in every circumstance. These law & order types tend to say things like “they should’ve gone through proper channels.” The second view is that leaking is heroic and right in every circumstance. These anti-government types tend to say things like “governments shouldn’t have secrets.” The third view is that leaking is good when it benefits the person’s TEAM and bad when it exposes the person’s TEAM. These political neanderthals are worth no more electrons than have already been spilt on them.

    I’m in a fourth camp, one that I have seen espoused by some other libertarians from time to time. I believe that the virtuosity of the leak is dependent on the information being leaked. To take a quick intellectual shortcut, the ends justify the means when it comes to leaks.

    The distinction is clear when viewing Edward Snowden in comparison to Bradley/Chelsea Manning. On one side we have a person who collected and released targeted information about unconstitutional spying programs against US citizens with the intent to inform the citizenry for the good of the country. On the other side we have a person who collected and released a wide assortment of information without any particular rhyme or reason for the purpose of getting back at an employer who wasn’t providing the person’s preferred benefits. Snowden is a hero. Manning is a disgruntled traitor.

    At the end of the day, I don’t think we can judge a leaker until we are able to assess the information being leaked. However, there is not enough nuance in the American political realm to allow such a subtle distinction. Either the leaker is good because they’re stickin’ it to the man, or they’re bad because ‘murica.

  • Property Taxes are the Single Worst Form of Taxation Ever Devised by Man

    NO! And the HOA president says your shrubs are too big
    Sorry, we’ll just rent it to you and increase the monthly payment on an annual basis.

    I could take a few different paths to back up my claim that property taxes are the most evil form of taxes, but I’ll stick with the angry rant. There is no topic that gets me hotter under the collar than property taxes, and I’m flummoxed when so-called libertarians are pro-property taxes. I’m not big into purity tests for libertarians, but I may just make an exception for the Georgists.

    Instead of doing a comparative analysis of different types of taxes, I’m going to explain why land is no different than any other sort of personal property in the realm of justifying taxation, and I’m also going to explain why land is different from other property in the realm of personal liberty. Perhaps if I can be persuasive in showing that there is no good reason to single out real property for a possession tax and there is plenty of good reason to single out real property for protection from government, I can make a decent case for deep-sixing property taxes.

    The Marxist Fallacy of Labor as Value

    Cutting to the chase, the single most glaring flaw of Georgism is that it’s predicated on the labor theory of value. It ignores the value of capital, the value of ingenuity with regard to capital, and the value of taking on risk. In a simplistic Georgist view, we can somehow separate the value obtained through labor from the value inherent in a product. See, to the Georgist, sand is sand, and it’s owned by the community. If you bag it up and sell it, you’re only entitled to be compensated for the service of bagging it. If you melt it into glass, we somehow have to separate out the value of the sand from the value of the glass, and the value of the sand goes to the government to be used to the benefit of the community. Of course, like any other crypto-communist solution, the Georgist government is going to have to appoint omniscient superhumans to staff the boards and councils used to determine exactly how much of the $100 for the glass pane is for the communal sand and how much is for the transformation to glass. Nevermind the fact that the guy buying the pane of glass wouldn’t have even paid a penny for the untransformed sand. You know, because he needs a pane of glass, not a sandbox. Nevermind, also, the next-door neighbor who wouldn’t pay a penny for the pane of glass, but would pay $20 for the untransformed sand.

    Tearing this down to its most basic, Georgist economics suffers from the same misconception as socialism, that there is a “true price” for a good, and that the “true price” reflects some “true input value” of capital and some “true transformative value” of the labor put into the capital.

    Can’t Quite Describe It

    I can't grab my weenie!Much like the ubiquitous water weenie, it’s near impossible to grab hold of the difference between land and land-derived goods in the Georgist philosophy. What makes land community owned but my coffee table mine? This is where the stupidity of the property tax shines through. See, if the coffee table is 100% mine, then I had to have, at some point, paid the community for the portion of natural resources (trees) that were used to build my table. Assuming that a sales tax was this theoretical payment, it still makes no sense that I must pay a yearly remittance on my land. The TOP MEN have decreed that 6% of my table was community owned, and I paid 6% tax to purchase the table. However, property tax is infinite taxation. It is countably infinite, but it is infinite nonetheless. If I were to own the land forever, I would pay property taxes forever. If it worked like the table, a property owner would be allowed to pay a one-time fee to the community for the value of the underlying natural resources (standard “there’s no such thing as true value” disclaimers apply), and then own the property sans encumbrance.

    The fact that property tax is infinite taxation leads to one of two conclusions. Either 1) natural resources are infinitely valuable and labor sullies that infinite value (a premise that can be dismissed without discussion); or 2) something magical happens when you transform natural resources that makes them no longer property of the community. Even if we were to accept the second premise, it still does not explain why improved land is still subject to property tax. Like the water weenie, any coherent classification of what is subject to property tax seems to slip through our hands.

    Property Ownership as Deprivation of the Community’s Right

    The single most unconvincing portion of Georgism is this pervasive hostility to private ownership of natural resources. This concept that the “community” owns the land and all value inherent therein. This neo-feudalist idea that the modern Crown grants the modern peasant a tenancy on the land to make public good come from the land is antiquated and hostile to natural rights theory. It amazes me to see so many otherwise brilliant libertarian thinkers fall hook, line, and sinker for this magical thinking that bestows upon the government special rights and privileges made up wholecloth, rather than granted from its constituents. Basic application of the NAP says that 5 guys with guns and badges can’t do anything that 5 guys with guns and torches can’t do. Similarly, the “community” (or society or the government or whatever name we give a collection of people) does not have a claim to the property unless members of the community, in the aggregate, have at least that same claim to the property. If no other person has a legitimate claim to the property, then who could? God? Gaia? The government is ill equipped to adjudicate ownership conflicts between man and God (much good it would do, anyway).

    I have found no convincing philosophical argument establishing a communal right to land. In fact, most Georgists seem to shift to a more utilitarian mode of argumentation when this comes up.

    Property Taxes: the Original Penaltax

    I see that my rant is running long and getting incoherent, so I’ll quickly wrap it up. Property taxes are a tax on inaction, much like the O-care penaltax. Broadening that out, if government were truly a product of a Social Contract, and that contract were to be said, with a straight face, to be voluntary, there would need to be some course of action able to be taken to openly reject said Social Contract. No action is more clearly a refutation of society and the Social Contract than hermitage, and the modern equivalent: homesteading. A self-confinement to one’s dwelling, self-sufficiency, nearly non-existent use of the community assets. One’s dwelling is their retreat from the “community.” Furthermore, it is a mandatory part of human existence. People can exist without incomes, without commerce, without vices. However, even the homeless have a cardboard box and a sleeping bag. To tax one’s dwelling is to reach into that last corner of their life untouched by the “community” and say “we still own you, even when you try to get away.”

    Appeals to fairness be damned. Ones right to property ownership is not subject to some balancing test against the desires of the community. Either land can be owned outright, or we are slaves captured by a do-gooding master.

    Sorry for the sloppy article. I may address property taxes as payment for community services in the comments, but needless to say, I think it is just petty rationalization. Selling one’s soul to the Devil isn’t less Hellish just because they got a few trinkets in return.

  • Kulturkampf: The Importance of Sculpting Society

    Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all. We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.
    ― Frédéric Bastiat, The Law

    Bastiat’s words have been quite obviously true from the day he wrote them, but the socialists and statists of today have laid bare their complete inability to distinguish between society and the State. The Orwellian newspeak of the modern left has rendered the distinction between the public sphere inhabited by the State and the one inhabited by culture difficult to describe. One example highlights an old semantics battle fought and won by the left. Over a decade ago, 17 year-old me struggled with the question posed in civics class: “What is the difference between civil rights and civil liberties?” A quick flip in the dictionary to “Civil Rights” yields this answer:

    Personal liberties that belong to an individual, owing to his or her status as a citizen or resident of a particular country or community.

    Another quick flip to “Civil Liberties” yields this answer:

    rights or freedoms given to the people by the First Amendment to the Constitution, by common law, or legislation, allowing the individual to be free to speak, think, assemble, organize, worship, or petition without government (or even private) interference or restraints. These liberties are protective in nature, while civil rights form a broader concept and include positive elements such as the right to use facilities, the right to an equal education, or the right to participate in government. (See: civil rights)

    Needless to say, the competition this question was based on didn’t go well for me. However, this question has stuck in my head for years. It wasn’t until studying 14th Amendment jurisprudence in law school that the answer dawned on me. There is no difference between civil rights and civil liberties . . . but there was!

    In the original formulation of the 14th Amendment, the politicians and thinkers of the time split rights into three relevant categories: civil, political, and social. Civil rights were what we would recognize today as negative rights (1st Amendment, etc.). Political rights are those limited positive rights (voting rights, etc.) that are focused on the procedural aspects of running the government. Social rights are recognized as positive rights (no private discrimination, welfare, cultural identity, etc.). However, this all seemed foreign to somebody like me who had no exposure to these classic definitions. Today, they are all lumped together as civil rights, giving us libertarians no easy “handle to grasp” when discussing these issues. It would be an easy mantra for us to say “legislate civil rights, not social rights,” but the phrase has no meaning to a modern audience.

    Reflecting back on Bastiat’s quote from The Law, it is clear that libertarians have just as difficult of a time separating society from the State as statists do. Many times we jump to the conclusion that the only hurdle for “goodness” or “morality” is that something should not be legislated against by the State. We’ve all heard the slur that libertarians are just libertines.  Many libertarians take a weak stance (if any at all) against encroaching cultural changes. Some even hold open disdain toward participation in the “Culture War.”

    This is exactly the wrong tactic to use in defense of liberty. While the abstaining libertarians spend their time and effort staying “above the fray,” the Culture War wages on beneath them, dragging them further and further away from their end goal. Prominent libertarian thinkers sprint full-speed, grasping and lunging for the elusive Libertarian Moment. All the while, they’re stuck on a bullet train headed straight for Statist Station. Without addressing the elements of our society most hostile to liberty, any handful of progress made will be fleeting, meaningless, and overwhelmed by the dump truck load of totalitarianism that has accumulated in the same duration.

    Andrew Breitbart observed that politics is downstream from culture. I believe this to be very true. The statist shift we have seen in the last 100 years isn’t because politicians have tricked well-meaning citizens into supporting growth of the State. The cause and effect is flipped. Our culture has created these politicians. Only when we internalize this can we understand the importance of the Culture War. Libertarians will be nothing until we engage in evangelism, organization, disruption, and institutional control to the level that the Progressives have for the last 100 years. No standard libertarian disclaimers apply here. We need to seize the positions of power for our culture, and we need to exert our influence on society.

    This feels dirty and unlibertarian. It feels downright statist. However, this is because the line between society and the State has been so blurred. We can influence culture without abandoning our principles. Usually, this is where libertarian thinkers fall flat on their face. In courting the libertarian feels, they’ll say things like: It’s as simple as challenging somebody when they mindlessly spout off about how “there should be a law!” It’s as simple as giving a few dollars to a liberty-loving non-profit that supports victims of the State. It’s as simple as teaching your children to view government with a healthy skepticism.

    If the last 100 years have taught us anything, it’s that winning back liberty isn’t that simple. Liberty loving individuals aren’t ones to use the Alinskyite playbook to get our way, but we’ve been eaten alive for a century. It’s time to ratchet things up. We need to establish the organization and infrastructure required to mount a counter-assault against the Statist-held institutions of society and the State. We need to organize on local levels to make sure that things like unfair zoning, over-restrictive HOAs, and abusive eminent domain are met with protest. We need to establish a cost-effective alternative to the public indoctrination centers so that families aren’t forced to choose between sending their kids to a daily Progressive church service and having enough money to eat. We need to offer entertainment and news that is completely detached from the legacy media, especially their agenda-setting powers. We must cover events that actually matter rather than the ones personally groomed by Statist elites. We must free the studies of history, economics, and philosophy from the shackles of postmodern leftism by better promoting libertarian academicians.

    The answers to many of these problems are not imminently forthcoming, but putting our fingers in our ears and chanting “shouldn’t be illegal, not my problem” is going to lead to only one place. . . totalitarian ruin. It’s not only okay for libertarians to wade into the Culture War, it’s necessary. If we don’t, we’ll wish we were only as irrelevant as we are today. Only, we won’t have the words to describe what happened.

  • Monocle: A Guide for Users and Abusers

    The Young Swell, tobacco label, 1869.jpg
    His orphans tell him he’s a good boy

     

    I’ve been asked to write a post to be used as an information hub for Monocle. I’ll give a quick explanation of what features Monocle has, some wishlist feature that Monocle should have sometime in the future, and how to install Monocle.

    Basically, Monocle is a rough equivalent to Reasonable/fascr/greasonable on TSTSNBN. I wrote the initial code for myself as a learning experience, and greasonable hacked it up to get rid of all of my noob crap code and replaced it with quality, efficient code, some of which comes from his eponymous script. greasonable is pretty much the best, and he deserves many accolades for the work he has done so far.

    Currently, the source code for Monocle is stored on gitlab.com, so anybody who wishes to help out can reach out to us and we’ll get you plugged in. Development of the code is on more of a “do what you want when you want” cycle, so we’ll never make any promises for a release date unless the feature’s availability is imminent.

    Mobile Update! 2018/01/03 I have crafted a somewhat mobile friendly version of Monocle called Eyepiece. The only way I know to use it is to add tamper monkey to mobile Firefox and install Eyepiece by clicking the link.

    How do I install Monocle?

    Monocle only works on non-mobile versions of Firefox and Chrome; and now on mobile Firefox. Yes, it sucks that mobile is not supported. No, mobile support isn’t the highest priority right now. See update above! (SP edit)

    Firefox install

    1. Install Greasemonkey for Firefox
    2. Click this link to install Monocle
    3. Click “Install” on the popup

    Chrome install

    1. Install Tampermonkey for Chrome
    2. Click this link to install Monocle
    3. Click “Install” on the page that is loaded

    Update to latest

    1. Click this link
    2. Click “Install” or “Reinstall” in the appropriate place

    What Features are Currently Included?

    Full width article/comments – if the author of a piece forgets to turn off the sidebar, Monocle removes that part of the webpage and expands the article and comments to full width of the screen.

    Local timestamp – the timestamps for the comments are in Central Time on the server. Monocle adjusts them to your local time zone.

    Condensed comments – The default view for comments has a large amount of space between consecutive comments. Monocle condenses them closer together.

    Next unread comment – The Monocle toolbar shows a count of the unread comments on the page. Clicking that button cycles through the unread comments.

    Show/Hide old threads – The Monocle toolbar includes a toggle for hiding all the comment threads that haven’t been commented on since your last refresh

    HTML tag buttons – There are buttons above the comment box that allow you to insert HTML tags for formatting your comment. If you highlight any text on the screen and then click a tag button, the text will be placed within the tag inside the comment.

    Current Known Bugs

    -The comments at the furthest right (without a reply button) are too close to one another

    -Hide old threads hides siblings of new threads

    -If you click a formatting button without previously typing something in the thread, the word COMMENT stays in the comment box

    As of version 1.15, there are no known bugs

    Wishlist

    -WYSIWYG commenting (you get to see, in real time, what your comment will look like as you type it)

    -Spellcheck

    -User Mute/Block

    -Theme/Word/Topic Mute/Block

    -Dynamic loading of new comments (so you don’t have to refresh the page to see new comments)

    -Alternate comment views (newest first, most popular first, etc.)

    -Options toolbar for toggling all of Monocle’s options

    -Automatic split of multiple links in order to avoid having to go through moderation (this feature will be subject to admin’s approval)

    -Allow images and Youtube vids to be displayed on the page (either automatically, or subject to clicking a “show” button)

    -“Replies to you” information/button to allow you to see the new comments that are in reply to yours

    -Mobile support

    How do I get help with my specific Monocle questions?

    Post a comment in this article. It’ll bug me and I’ll come check it out.

    How do I suggest a new feature, report a bug, or otherwise make general comments/questions about Monocle?

    Post a comment in this article. I’ll read it and reply to you.

    How do I know whether a feature would be good for Monocle or for glibertarians.com as a whole?

    If it’s something you’d prefer, but you think that other people might prefer it a different way, that’s the perfect feature for Monocle.  If it’s something that involves changing data on the server (like an edit button, two links in one comment, etc.), Monocle can’t do it. Generally, I’m not going to do anything that requires leaving “artifacts” in comments that Monocle then interprets and renders something different. That’s just mean to people who don’t use Monocle and can’t tell why the hell there’s some comment with computer code in it.

    How do I lodge a complaint about Monocle?

    Send all complaints to tour-scheduling@WartysDungeon.com

  • A History Of American Public Education: Part 4 in a 4 Part Series

    Click here for Part 1, Part 2,  and Part 3

    Part 4: It’s Broke, so let’s Fix It

    Secularization of Public Schools

    While the Progressive Protestants did get the generic Protestant education implemented in the public schools, it was clear that this arrangement could only be temporary. There was no way that the increasingly heterogeneous United States founded on the Enlightenment Era principle of separating Church and State would allow the State sanctioned public schools to be de facto cathedral schools of the Protestant denominations.

    By the 1940s, the writing was on the wall. The increasing secularization of the school materials had reached a pinnacle. The Supreme Court was about to step in and begin cleaning house of this “non-sectarian” Protestant bias that inherent in the public schools of the 19th century. The case was Everson v. Board of Education, and the issue was public funding of transportation to religious schools. While the case came out in favor of these reimbursements, the precedential concept of a “wall of separation between church and state” was set, and would never be undone. A waterfall of cases followed, including Zellers v. Huff in 1948 (religious teachings banned in public schools, including religious garb and other religious assistance), Engel v. Vitale in 1962 (prayer in public school banned), and Abington v. Schempp in 1963 (Bible readings banned in public school). By the 1970s, the public school system in the United States was unrecognizably secular, a complete turn from the results of the Bible Wars in the 19th century.

    The Modern Landscape

    The Progressive Protestants rigged the system to beat back the temporary immigration of Irish, Italian, and German Catholics, only to have it predictably backfire. To this day the conflict still rages, the ideological progeny of the 19th century Progressive Protestants, the Social Conservatives, still fight tooth and nail for those last few scraps of religiosity in the public schools. Whether it’s prayer at the flagpole, a banner with a Bible verse, or a prayer before a football game, these Social Conservatives are motivated to fight the same losing fight, trying to keep the Church in power over the schools despite the State’s administrative authority.

    The other, more secular, and eponymous descendants of the 19th century Progressives are the ones who wield the power of the State over the School these days. With this control, they are attempting to revive some of the methods of the past. Public schools were and are seen as a place to mold the children of America, pulling them away from the habits and beliefs of their parents, and integrating the children into American society. However, with the growth of charter schools, private schools, online schools, and homeschooling, it is not as simple to impose a worldview as it was to Protestantize the immigrant Catholics of 125 years ago.

    To this end, however, there are public policy murmurs of again requiring public school education. Articles have floated the same ideas of the past such as “If You Send Your Kid to Private School, You are a Bad Person: A Manifesto” and “Banning Homeschooling does not Violate Rights: U.S. Attorney General’s Office”, both published in 2013, along with an article from the Washington Post that focused on Warren Buffett’s idea to solve problems in urban education: “Make private schools illegal and assign every child to a public school by random lottery.” Even President Obama recently weighed in with a mild rebuke of private schooling, saying “Those who are doing better and better, more skilled, more educated, – luckier – having greater advantages are withdrawing from the commons. Kids start going to private schools, kids start working out at private clubs instead of the public parks, an anti-government ideology then disinvests from those common goods and those things that draw us together.”

    Perhaps today’s Progressives have taken a page from Martin Luther’s playbook. Perhaps they are attempting to use today’s public schools to establish their worldview as the dominant one in modern American society, much like Luther used the German schools to solidify Protestantism as the dominant religion of Germany. Does this imposition of worldview fit in a modern post-Enlightenment nation as well as it fit in 16th century Europe? Do laws such as the bill proposed in Michigan that requires social worker (or other authority figure) supervision of homeschooled children go too far, especially in light of alleged abuses of similar supervision in New Jersey?

    Where to go From Here

    It strikes me, almost two years after most of these words were written, how predictable the response from the Left is to any critique of their little pet. Also predictable are the results of the ever-growing public education system. The ire of the do-gooders may have shifted from poor Irish and Italian Catholics to poor Blacks, but the same impulse is there. They must grab the children and indoctrinate them for their own good. To allow the children to escape from the grasp of the Leviathan is unacceptable, and every dirty trick in the playbook is fair game. To let a child learn in a private, charter, or homeschool setting is akin to letting a slave escape the plantation.

    This is the quintessential libertarian issue for the next 50 years. If we were to focus all of our efforts on freeing children from the yoke of public education, it wouldn’t be enough. You cannot have a free society, a liberty-loving nation, when generation after generation is inculcated from age 5 (or before) in the ideology of the State. Liberty has no hope in a country where the Republicans are beholden to the religious faction of the Progressive Party and the Democrats are beholden to the secular faction of the Progressive Party.

    I also must mention the perversion of the relationship between the State and the Family. It is not an unforeseen consequence that the family has collapsed over the past 50-70 years. This was an express goal of the Progressives who designed the modern public school system. See, when the school has complete control over a child’s every move, their family can’t impart icky views on them.

    Libertarians should prioritize this issue for the sake of future liberty. Only unyielding activism in this area will give children the hope of escaping the yoke of the State. To reiterate something I wrote in a comment a while back, this issue really gets me going because I can’t stand child abusers!

  • A History Of American Public Education: Part 3 in a 4 Part Series

    For Part 1 and Part 2

    Part 3: Taking the Reins

    A Mann with a Plan

    Through the mid-19th century, a group of educational reformers led by Horace Mann became interested in the Prussian model of education. The Prussians had slowly evolved away from the religious teaching proposed by Luther in the 16th century and had embraced a system tailored to individual students. The contemporary Prussian system was largely secular, and de-emphasized religious learning in favor of secular skills such as mathematics and drafting.

    Horace Mann, the father of the public school, worked to secularize the public schools established in Massachusetts. He preferred that children be taught in a soft manner by female teachers, and without corporal punishment. Replacing catechisms with books of nature, geography, and government, Mann wanted children to be exposed to an education that was like “the warming sun and the refreshing rain.” In his eyes, the schools were to “purify the [teaching] environment” and “purge it from alienating influences.” This softer, more generic system in the mold of the Prussian system aimed to expose children to the love of learning rather than the rote memorization and recitation characteristic of the religious schools of the time. Mann believed that learning and literacy should engage the imagination, and allow for open minds, but the existing structures of learning were not amenable to either.

    Bible Wars and Misdemeanors

    With Mann’s growing public school system and a competing Catholic parochial system, a tension was created between the nativist Protestant elites, who were supporting these growing public schools across the nation, and the immigrant Catholic peasants, who were being supported by the Catholic Church’s parochial schools. The 1869 Cincinnati Bible Wars were endemic of the tension between the entrenched Protestant majority and the growing Catholic presence in urban areas. The Cincinnati Bible Wars started as a proposal from F. W. Rauch, a Catholic member of the Cincinnati School Board, to combine the public schools with the Catholic parochial schools in Cincinnati. An alternative proposal prohibited the reading of religious books, including the Bible in Cincinnati public schools. This proposal passed the School Board on a divided vote, and ignited a three-year court battle between the Catholics and the Protestants as to whether the King James Bible was sectarian or not. As the court battle was concluding in 1870 (in favor of the Bible being taught in school), the New York Times and Harper’s Weekly expressed the Protestant populist opinion that the Catholics were holding religious study ransom in order to dip their hands into the “public education” coffers.

    In 1875, the tension boiled over when Congressman James G. Blaine proposed what would be known as the Blaine Amendment. This Constitutional amendment would have halted any public funding, lands, or other assistance from going to Catholic parochial schools, and would force the Bible to be taught in the Protestant public schools. There had been quite the buildup to this proposal, including President Grant speaking about the need for education in a representative form of government so that the tyrant of “priestcraft” could not control them. Blaine feared that the growing parochial schools would lead to the abolishment of the “non-sectarian public school,” which would breed ignorance. This seems odd when viewed from the secularized modern day, but at the time, Catholic schools were seen to be an encroaching sectarian force, breeding intolerance and bigotry. Generic Protestantism was seen as nonsectarian. Senator Morill wrote that schools were “all but universal now, and tending to become more and more so, are likely to leaven the whole lump and [make] national unity not only possible, but probable . . . Religion will tend to mold together the great majority of our people, as it is distinctively Protestant.” No statement better summed up the view of the Protestant elites than that.

    When the Blaine Amendment failed to pass the Senate, these crusaders couldn’t just quit, they had to continue! Catholics and Protestants were continuously clashing about schooling, to the point of Teddy Roosevelt’s proclamation in 1893 that “[w]e have the right to demand that every man, native born or foreign born, shall in American public life act merely as an American” (a clear shot across the Catholic immigrants’ bow), and Woodrow Wilson saying “our problem is not merely to help the students to adjust themselves to world life . . . [but] to make them as unlike their fathers as we can.”

    There was a full blown populist push from the nativist Protestants, especially the Social Darwinist Progressives, to Americanize and Protestantize the Catholic peasants, and the best way to do it was a one-two punch of compelling attendance at public school and providing a Protestant education at those public schools. One of the best examples of the compulsory education laws passed during this era was passed in Oregon in 1922. This law would be challenged in 1925 in Pierce v. Society of Sisters. The Act “requires every parent, guardian, or other person having control or charge or custody of a child between 8 and 16 years to send him ‘to a public school for the period of time a public school shall be held during the current year’ in the district where the child resides; and failure so to do is declared a misdemeanor.”

    While this specific law may have been struck down, more generic compulsory education laws thrived through the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The State had taken control of education, and children would be getting a generic Protestant education steeped in American Protestant morals and ethics. Those who had the power to effectively object, like Alfred Roncovieri, were simply swept out of the way in the push to Americanize and Protestantize the immigrant Catholics. While a disdain for Catholics was not the only motivation behind compulsory education, it was certainly a driving force for much of the upheaval around education at the turn of the 20th century. In the words of Richard Niece, “The original purposes for compulsory education were three-fold: (1) to teach the skills essential to exist within and contribute to an industrialized nation . . . (2) to instill the youth with social skills and moral values; and (3) to Americanize the children of immigrants who had settled in this country. This third purpose seems, in retrospect, to have been the most sacred to the early proponents of compulsory education.”

  • A History Of American Public Education: Part 2 in a 4 Part Series

    For Part 1, go here .

     

    Part 2: Eugenics and Anti-Catholic Sentiment

    The other side of the Progressive movement was a secular philosophy anchored in the theories of Darwin and in an increased role of government. Social Darwinism had become a popular philosophy which eventually evolved into the eugenics movement. The premise of Social Darwinism was that the races developed and evolved apart from one another, and the relative civilization of each race determined how advanced they were. Therefore, certain races were more or less worthy of power. This, combined with a populist push to eradicate social ills (aided by the Social Gospel movement), led to a massive change in the role of government from dispassionate referee to guarantor of social justice. Many of the social programs instituted in the late 19th and early 20th centuries had aspects of Social Darwinism as the foundation.

    Scientifically Inferior

    Through the 1850s there was a mass migration of Germans, Irish, and other Europeans, specifically Catholic Europeans to the United States. Some of this was due to famine, but much was due to governmental upheaval. In the 1850s there was a number of outbreaks of violence against immigrant Catholics, specifically the Irish Catholics. The nativist tendency of the natural-born Americans was showing itself through resistance to the more assertive Catholic Church. As the Irish Catholics were forced to retreat into their own communities, they created systems of schools. These schools, which became parochial Catholic schools, raised even more suspicions from the native-born Americans regarding the infiltration of Catholicism into American society.

    Many Americans, especially the Social Darwinists, despised the low-class Irish Catholics that immigrated to the United States during the Potato Famine and thereafter. Anti-immigrant sentiment was not new in the Progressive Era, but for the first time there was a science that supported the bias. Even more, there was something to be done about it. The Progressive movement had finally consolidated enough power in the national government that the Social Darwinists could implement policy, highlighted by the election of Teddy Roosevelt.

    The Protestants were somewhat split on the science of eugenics versus the spirituality of the Social Gospel. On the one hand, racism against Catholics was stoked by the Social Darwinists. On the other hand, the Social Gospel preached a different message regarding the poor and the destitute in an attempt to purify and perfect America. As is the case in modern politics, the message became muddled and descended to the lowest common denominator: the dislike of immigrant Catholics. Economist Francis Walker bluntly summed up the moral and scientific fusion of the eugenics camp, “We must strain out of the blood of the race more of the taint inherited from a bad and vicious past before we can eliminate poverty, much more pauperism, from our social life. The scientific treatment which is applied to physical diseases must be extended to mental and moral disease, and a wholesome surgery and cautery must be enforced by the whole power of the state for the good of all.”

    Dying Influence

    Protestants were confronted with an emotionally charged problem. Everything had been fine up until the increased Catholic immigration of the 1850s, but there were fears of influence from Rome, and a general scientific consensus that the Irish and Italian Catholic immigrants were lesser races and were uncivilized. Stoking the flames of Catholic hatred was the First Vatican Council in 1869. The most well-known decision to come from Vatican I was the doctrine of papal infallibility. The Roman Catholic Church established that when the Pope was speaking ex cathedra, he was speaking in an inerrant manner. To a skeptical and hostile Protestant America, this looked exactly like what they feared. The Catholics were attempting to run the world from Rome.

    To have a major player such as the Pope be declared infallible, especially in political and social pronouncements, makes clear why Protestants were uncomfortable with Catholics, especially since Protestants were losing their grip on the society. They were panicked by the thought of the Catholics having a growing political and social coalition that would ruin the previous homogeneity of thought and culture in the United States. In order to protect against this encroaching foreign power, Progressive Era Protestants focused their attention on the most malleable of the Catholics, their children.

  • A History Of American Public Education: Part 1 of 4

    PART 1: Awakening the Progressive Giant

    I wrote a paper on the topic of public education for a class a couple years ago, which I am heavily excerpting from for this article. The main purpose is to explain some of the 19th Century factors that went into the whole-hog acceptance of compulsory public education, and a little bit of analysis of how to roll some of this back. Part 1 addresses the religious circumstances in the 19th Century that led to compulsory public school. Part 2 will address the secular circumstances leading to compulsory schooling. Part 3 addresses implementation of compulsory schooling and the effects on society. Part 4 will address long term effects and rolling back compulsory schooling.

     

    The Second Great Awakening

     

    In the early 19th century, the United States was going through a massive theological change. The nation was in the midst of the Second Great Awakening, and revivals swept the countryside. These revivals led to the growth of Methodist and Baptist evangelical denominations throughout the country. One of the doctrines of major importance in this Awakening was the doctrine of postmillennialism.

    While postmillennialism is not popular in today’s church, it was a major part of antebellum Protestant doctrine.  Postmillennialism taught that Jesus’ second coming would occur after a millennium of peace and justice, which had to be initiated by the Christians. Therefore, these evangelicals worked to root out conflict and injustice, such as slavery and moral decay. The clergy found themselves walking a fine line between destroying the unity of the nation that they believed would bring a millennium of peace and justice and actually promoting that peace and justice. If they pushed too hard on slavery, it would result in the dissolution of the Union, but if they didn’t push hard enough, there would still be societal sin in slavery.

    As it turned out, they could not achieve this balance, and the evangelicals largely took the side of the Union during the Civil War. Some ministers, however, condemned this secular and religious concept of America’s perfectibility as idolatry, and tried to steer those impulses toward the betterment of the Church. Although the Civil War and the friction between different ministerial factions slowed down the revivalist nature of the Second Great Awakening, it also laid the foundation for the Social Gospel movement of the late 19th century.

    The Social Gospel

    The Social Gospel was an evolution from the postmillennialist Second Great Awakening toward the idea that churches were responsible for social action and the eradication of societal ills. This Social Gospel was not particularly theologically deep and was primarily a codification of New England liberalism with an appeal to “teachings of Jesus.” The Social Gospel was, in a sense, a mix of the prophesies of the Bible with the burgeoning public understanding of the science of evolution and its application to societal progress.

    In order to establish the Kingdom of God on Earth, and specifically in America, Social Gospel preachers such as Baptist pastor Walter Rauschenbusch believed that the nation needed a spiritual regeneration. The initial push of the Social Gospel movement was government-neutral, but the movement evolved. By the second generation, which was defined by the temperance issue, the Social Gospel had come around to using government for its advantage. Rauschenbusch recognized the change that was afflicting his movement. He saw the tendency of the Social Gospel to drift away from its mooring and eventually secularize as they gained wider acceptance. He warned against the movement sagging down “from evangelical religion to humanitarian morality.”

    However, despite his best efforts to prevent it, the Christian-led Social Gospel already had cracks of secularism forming. The Southern Progressives united their message with the Social Gospel being preached in the South, relying on the religiosity of southerners as a connection between faith and politics.  As those sympathetic to the Social Gospel waded into secularism through the Progressive movement, they put the Christian revival and spiritual betterment of society on the back burner.  The Progressive Era had been born, a secular manifestation of the populist energy that had been created by the Social Gospel, the muckraking labor movement, and Teddy Roosevelt’s trust busting.

    The Social Gospelers were one voice among many in the Progressive movement, and the Progressives’ ideas gradually transformed away from the Social Gospel due to the “irrational hatreds of certain groups such as foreigners.” This was, in part, due to a second side of the Progressive movement, the Social Darwinists.

     

    (to be cont’d… Same Bat-time. Same Bat-channel.)